HOW WORDS MOVE.
HOW MEANINGS MUTATE.

The class-I -j- morphology visible in hatjandam supports the normalized infinitive hatjan and corresponds to the reconstructed *-jan- formation; Gothic h continues the Germanic fricative written x in Orel’s notation.

The surviving Gothic clause means hate. The pursuit sense of Middle High German hetzen is a daughter-branch development and is not projected back as the only Gothic meaning.

Proto-Germanic *hatiz- is represented by Gothic hatis word-finally and by the stem hatiz- before a vowel-initial ending, visible in hatiza. Gothic then regularizes the inherited i-stem into neuter a-stem inflection.

The inherited anger or hostility noun becomes the Gothic translation choice for Greek wrath vocabulary. That contextual specialization does not prove the noun lacked hatred senses elsewhere.

Orel groups the weak-verb reconstruction with the Germanic hate-noun base he represents as *xataz ~ *xatez; the graph crosswalks that base to its reviewed *hatiz- node.

A noun family for hate or enmity supplies or associates with weak verbs whose daughter branches express hating, hostility, pursuit, and anger.

Gothic fijan continues the Germanic fi(j)- stem and class-III weak-verb formation. Written Gothic alternates j-bearing forms such as fijan and fijaiþ with j-less fiaiþ, fiais, fiandans, and fiands.

The reconstructed Germanic hate verb continues as a Gothic experience verb taking the hated stimulus as an accusative object; lexicalized enemy formations remain a separate branch.

Written Gothic loses j in some fijan forms before a vowel; the historical lemma fian normalizes that j-less surface pattern.

No lexical split is established: both shapes remain one hate verb.

Gothic fijands continues the Germanic nd-stem formation with regular branch-level adaptation and Gothic inflection.

The already lexicalized agent formation functions as the ordinary noun enemy while remaining formally close to a live participle.

The present-participial nd-formation is built on the fi(j)- verb stem.

One who hates lexicalizes as enemy before Gothic, while productive participial use survives beside the noun.

No sound descent is claimed. The edge records two distinct Gothic class-III verbs used in overlapping translation constructions.

Across Luke 1:71 and 6:27, fijan and hatan exchange the roles enemies and those hating.

Old English fēond continues the Germanic nd-agent formation with West Germanic vowel and inflectional development.

The lexicalized one-who-hates formation remains an enemy or foe noun and also supplies a devil sense in Old English.

Old English fēogan and contracted feón continue the Germanic fi(j)- verb with West Germanic vocalic, consonantal, and inflectional development; the exact prehistoric sequence behind every recorded variant remains reconstructed.

The inherited Germanic hate or hostility verb remains a transitive verb meaning hate or persecute in Old English.

Old High German fīant reflects the Germanic nd-agent formation after High German branch development in its vowel, glide, consonants, and inflection.

The already lexicalized one-who-hates formation is inherited as the ordinary enemy noun.

Under the comparative analysis, Germanic t develops into the Old High German sibilant written ʒ through the High German consonant shift, while i-stem morphology and gender are remodeled in the High German branch.

The inherited hate, anger, enmity, or hostility field continues as Old High German haʒ; competing sources disagree on whether pursuit, suffering, or hostile disposition best represents the earlier semantic center.

The comparative analysis aligns Old Norse hatr and genitive hatrs with the Germanic *hatiz- noun after North Germanic loss or reduction of unstressed material and branch-specific inflection. The public sources establish the comparison more securely than one fully specified sound-law derivation.

The inherited hate, anger, enmity, or spite field continues in Old Norse hatred, enmity, and spite. One proposed mockery or scorn context remains a qualified side sense rather than the ancestral center.

Old High German haʒʒōn belongs to the comparative weak-verb set Orel reconstructs as *xatēnan ~ *xatōjanan; the High German branch reflects the consonant-shifted Germanic t in the doubled sibilant spelling.

The inherited Germanic hate field continues in the Old High German verb, but pursuit, hostile action, and hostile disposition remain competing candidates for the earlier semantic center.

Old Dutch fīunt or fīant reflects the Germanic nd-agent formation after West Germanic and Dutch-branch vowel, glide, consonant, and inflectional development.

The already lexicalized one-who-hates formation is inherited as the ordinary enemy noun; Christian Devil usage develops inside the attested daughter record rather than inside the reconstruction.

Old Swedish fiande or fiände reflects the North Germanic continuation of the inherited nd-agent formation, with branch vowel development, glide and consonant history, inflection, and scribal spelling represented by the recorded variants.

The already lexicalized one-who-hates formation functions as enemy or opponent. A Devil sense is visible inside the attested Swedish branch and is not projected back into Proto-Germanic.

Old Norse fjándi and plural fjándr continue the inherited Germanic nd-agent formation after North Germanic vowel, glide, ending, and inflectional developments.

The already lexicalized one-who-hates formation is inherited as an ordinary enemy noun; demonic, pagan-god, and derogatory branches develop inside the attested Old Norse semantic history.

Old Danish fiende continues through competing Fiende, Fiænde, Finde, Fînde, and Fiend spellings and two- versus three-syllable realizations before modern fjende and its current pronunciations stabilize.

The ordinary enemy noun remains central while wartime, ideological, animal, abstract-threat, and historical Devil branches remain contextually available.

Old Danish fiende continues the North Germanic reflex of the inherited fi(j)- plus nd agent formation, with branch-specific vowel, glide, ending, and inflectional developments.

The already lexicalized one-who-hates formation is inherited as an ordinary enemy noun; the Devil and broader figurative branches belong to attested Danish semantic history.

Old High German fīēn continues the reconstructed Germanic fi(j)- weak verb after High German branch development in its vowel, optional glide, ending, and inflectional system. The attested forms are not treated as one mechanically complete sound law.

The hate or hostility verb remains visible in records meaning hate, not love, be hostile, detest, or reject; individual Latin alignments do not force one identical nuance onto every occurrence.

The early form fía develops into fjá through North Germanic contraction and glide-vowel remodeling. The reviewed lexical sources publish the earlier and later surfaces but do not expose a dated sequence of intermediate written forms.

The verb remains in the hate field; active and reflexive constructions distribute the participant structure differently without creating separate prehistoric roots.

Old Norse fía and fjá continue the reconstructed Germanic fi(j)- verb after North Germanic vowel, glide, contraction, ending, and inflectional developments. The attested surfaces are not treated as one mechanically complete sound law.

The inherited hate or hostility verb remains finite in three poetic contexts; the reflexive fiásk marks a syntactic development rather than a separate ancestral lexeme.

Old Norse h continues the Germanic fricative Orel writes x, while the weak-verb stem and North Germanic inflection produce the attested hata paradigm. The reviewed sources do not expose one complete dated series of intermediate spoken forms.

The inherited hostility verb is distributed across persecution, rejection, humiliation, hate, damage or destruction, participial, and reciprocal constructions. Dictionary sense order is not promoted as a chronological semantic path.

Old Frisian h corresponds to the Germanic fricative Orel writes x. The attested weak-verb forms show spelling and inflectional variation including hatia, hatijen, hatie, hata, and hatien, but the reviewed sources do not publish one complete dated series of intermediate spoken changes.

The inherited hostility verb is used across hate or rejection, damage, feud-language enemy pursuit, road obstruction, legal adversity, and theological condemnation. No dictionary sense order is promoted as a chronological semantic path.